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Possibly one of the most charismatic politicians of our times but also held responsible for many evils in Pakistan
How will history remember him?
How will history remember him?
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On This Day, 5th January 1928 : Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was born
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Bhutto’s contradictions have been frequently commented on. Often the two different worlds that shaped him have been emphasised. We have on the one hand, a man that is clearly intellectually sharp, educated in England and the Unites States, who became a barrister in law at Lincoln’s inn, and who was able to act as a publicist for Pakistan to the larger world in an impressive manner well before becoming the country’s leader. Yet, on the other hand, ultimately he seemed unable to transcend his Sindhi landlord roots, and the values of revenge and honour, ruling in an often arbitrary, bullying and cruel manner.
We can speak of other contradictions. Whilst Bhutto pronounced that he was different from the standard ‘drawing room’ politicians that were in abundance in Pakistan, Bhutto in contrast evoked the power of the people, rhetorically claiming to stand for the underprivileged. There is no doubt he and the PPP inspired a critical mass to vote with their conscience in 1970s, pressing politics much deeper into Pakistani society. Yet, Bhutto, who it must be remembered was a key figure in the authoritarian and undemocratic regime of Ayub, more often spoke of ‘The People’ in the abstract’ as Phillip Jones noted. For Jones, ’there is no evidence, outside his political life, that he ever involved himself in the activities or organisations dedicated too ameliorating the sufferings of actual individuals’. In addition, for all the leftist rhetoric, Bhutto constantly courted the rural notables to the detriment of party’s ability to organise itself more strongly. In the end, rather than standing for the people, ‘Bhutto was like the unholy trinity’ so said Wali Khan, ‘he stood for I, Me and Myself’.
Another contradiction we may note, is in his idea of Pakistan. On the one hand he steered Pakistan more firmly towards West Asia and emphasised a unity based on Islam. The 1973 constitution for the first time recognised Pakistan as the ‘State religion of Pakistan’. In other words, the idea of Pakistan as an ideological state persisted. On the other hand, though, more room was created for a geographic idea of Pakistan and an identity that embraced the history of the region. The Muslim League in the 1940s propagated an idea of Pakistan that did not have strong geographic moorings. With the coming of Zulfiqur Ali Bhutto, a more territorial notion of Pakistan emerged, where there was an effort to define a Pakistani identity as being one fundamentally rooted in its geography and its unique history. This was a vision of Pakistan as a nation grounded in historic and regional cultures. Concomitant with this the Bhuttos had worshiped regularly at the shrine of Lal Shabaz Qalandar, in Sehwan Sharif. Folk culture was given far more attention, than hitherto had been the case by elite Pakistani leadership. Of course such a vision whilst enthusiastically embraced by many also unsettled the Muhajirs of Sindh, who as migrants could be conceived as a people without a deep attachment to the current land of Pakistan.
We can speak of other contradictions. Whilst Bhutto pronounced that he was different from the standard ‘drawing room’ politicians that were in abundance in Pakistan, Bhutto in contrast evoked the power of the people, rhetorically claiming to stand for the underprivileged. There is no doubt he and the PPP inspired a critical mass to vote with their conscience in 1970s, pressing politics much deeper into Pakistani society. Yet, Bhutto, who it must be remembered was a key figure in the authoritarian and undemocratic regime of Ayub, more often spoke of ‘The People’ in the abstract’ as Phillip Jones noted. For Jones, ’there is no evidence, outside his political life, that he ever involved himself in the activities or organisations dedicated too ameliorating the sufferings of actual individuals’. In addition, for all the leftist rhetoric, Bhutto constantly courted the rural notables to the detriment of party’s ability to organise itself more strongly. In the end, rather than standing for the people, ‘Bhutto was like the unholy trinity’ so said Wali Khan, ‘he stood for I, Me and Myself’.
Another contradiction we may note, is in his idea of Pakistan. On the one hand he steered Pakistan more firmly towards West Asia and emphasised a unity based on Islam. The 1973 constitution for the first time recognised Pakistan as the ‘State religion of Pakistan’. In other words, the idea of Pakistan as an ideological state persisted. On the other hand, though, more room was created for a geographic idea of Pakistan and an identity that embraced the history of the region. The Muslim League in the 1940s propagated an idea of Pakistan that did not have strong geographic moorings. With the coming of Zulfiqur Ali Bhutto, a more territorial notion of Pakistan emerged, where there was an effort to define a Pakistani identity as being one fundamentally rooted in its geography and its unique history. This was a vision of Pakistan as a nation grounded in historic and regional cultures. Concomitant with this the Bhuttos had worshiped regularly at the shrine of Lal Shabaz Qalandar, in Sehwan Sharif. Folk culture was given far more attention, than hitherto had been the case by elite Pakistani leadership. Of course such a vision whilst enthusiastically embraced by many also unsettled the Muhajirs of Sindh, who as migrants could be conceived as a people without a deep attachment to the current land of Pakistan.
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The man who changed the landscape of politics in Pakistan - so what are your views on his legacy?
Refusal to recognise Awami league victory led to bloodshed and secession of Bangladesh.
Ruined a previously booming economy through socialism.
Absolutely zero progress on human development indicators under his rule. Literacy remained at 20% and infant mortality didn’t fall in the 70s. By contrast Bangladesh has left Pakistan behind on all human development indicators.
Didn’t create a political movement for workers. Instead created a personality cult. We’re still dealing with the hangover in the form of Billo rani.
Used religion to further his political aims. Not unique in Pakistani politics but Bhutto led to Zia and led led to the hot mess our country has become.
But yeah... he gave a passionate speech in the UN and ripped up his piece of paper. But worth noting that speech resulted in zero benefit to Pakistan.
Development of nuclear weapons is a positive. Given the direction India has taken under RSS / BJP I am glad Muslims in South Asia have their own homeland. I know we made a mess of it but it’s still ours to do better with. Nuclear weapons almost guarantee India won’t use its larger economy / increasingly better equipped armed forces to wipe out Pakistan.
Ruined a previously booming economy through socialism.
Absolutely zero progress on human development indicators under his rule. Literacy remained at 20% and infant mortality didn’t fall in the 70s. By contrast Bangladesh has left Pakistan behind on all human development indicators.
Didn’t create a political movement for workers. Instead created a personality cult. We’re still dealing with the hangover in the form of Billo rani.
Used religion to further his political aims. Not unique in Pakistani politics but Bhutto led to Zia and led led to the hot mess our country has become.
But yeah... he gave a passionate speech in the UN and ripped up his piece of paper. But worth noting that speech resulted in zero benefit to Pakistan.
Development of nuclear weapons is a positive. Given the direction India has taken under RSS / BJP I am glad Muslims in South Asia have their own homeland. I know we made a mess of it but it’s still ours to do better with. Nuclear weapons almost guarantee India won’t use its larger economy / increasingly better equipped armed forces to wipe out Pakistan.
Sad day, he was the worst thing happened to Pakistan, even ahead of Zia-ul Haq.
Main character in creation of Bangladesh to stay in power in west Pakistan.
Started a dynasty of corruption , followed by that dumb , greedy and corrupt women and later by her husband and son,
Main character in creation of Bangladesh to stay in power in west Pakistan.
Started a dynasty of corruption , followed by that dumb , greedy and corrupt women and later by her husband and son,
There was a poster during the 1970 elections, which is quite revealing in pointing to the sources of Bhutto's appeal in those elections, especially in the Punjab. On the poster, Bhutto appears in a Western suit wearing the ‘Jinnah cap’. He is on a bounding horse, PPP flag in his hand, sword and shield by his side. The sword of the fourth caliph was called Zulfiqar; it is a symbol rich in meaning for Muslims, embodying not just a military spirit but also justice. ‘Zulfiqar-i-Haidari’ appears at the top of the poster and just below it is a picture of a sword that spans the width of the poster, with a Qur’anic reference contained in it - ‘with the help of Allah, victory is near’. Elsewhere on the poster, there is a picture of the Kaaba. There is the Muslim attestation of faith upon which Bhutto pledges that he will sacrifice his life for the people. There is also a prayer to the Sufi saint, Lal Shahbaz Qalandar, that may Bhutto live for a thousand years. At the bottom of the poster a popular couplet from Iqbal is reproduced - ‘China and Arabia are ours, Hindustan is ours; we are Muslims, the whole world is ours’.
There is so much here in one poster: religious symbolism, folk tradition, Pakistani nationalism, populism, an appeal to social justice. Bhutto was projected in the poster not only as a warrior for Islam but a folk hero - manly, strong and brave; fighter against cruelty and oppression, fighter for egalitarianism and justice. Such an image had a particular resonance within Punjabi folk tradition - think for example of Maula Jatt and the films it inspired during the 80s.
The poster provides clues as to why Bhutto and his vision of Pakistan resonated with many Punjabis leading to a deeply felt religious and cultural bond in the elections of 1970. Sadly, of course, his vision miscarried. But that is another story.
There is so much here in one poster: religious symbolism, folk tradition, Pakistani nationalism, populism, an appeal to social justice. Bhutto was projected in the poster not only as a warrior for Islam but a folk hero - manly, strong and brave; fighter against cruelty and oppression, fighter for egalitarianism and justice. Such an image had a particular resonance within Punjabi folk tradition - think for example of Maula Jatt and the films it inspired during the 80s.
The poster provides clues as to why Bhutto and his vision of Pakistan resonated with many Punjabis leading to a deeply felt religious and cultural bond in the elections of 1970. Sadly, of course, his vision miscarried. But that is another story.
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To believe he was younger than my dad who was born in 1926.
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His dad was more famous than him and I'm sure his mum was linked to nehru before she became his mum
His wife and son formed al-zulfiqar which wasn't as successful as the ppp
His wife and son formed al-zulfiqar which wasn't as successful as the ppp
Sad day for Pakistan.
- He played a major role that contributed to the current sorry state of affairs in Pakistan.
- Responsible for breaking up the country by not recognizing a fair election.
- First leader from Sindh but totally ignored the development of Karachi.
- Discriminated against non-Sindhis and especially muhajirs.
- Absolutely no progress in Pakistan during his rule even in Sindh due to corruption.
- Fathered another corrupt leader Benazir who married an even more corrupt Zardari.
- Hung for murder and brought shame to the country.
- Why on earth was he a shaheed?
- He played a major role that contributed to the current sorry state of affairs in Pakistan.
- Responsible for breaking up the country by not recognizing a fair election.
- First leader from Sindh but totally ignored the development of Karachi.
- Discriminated against non-Sindhis and especially muhajirs.
- Absolutely no progress in Pakistan during his rule even in Sindh due to corruption.
- Fathered another corrupt leader Benazir who married an even more corrupt Zardari.
- Hung for murder and brought shame to the country.
- Why on earth was he a shaheed?
I have just finished reading the three chapters, in Owen Bennett-Jones’s book, that focus on Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Though there is nothing particularly original on Bhutto in these chapters, containing as they do few fresh insights, it is a very readable account. What comes through clearly in the account is Bhutto’s authoritarian tendencies. In the author’s words:
“The reality was that he could not tolerate opposition from either his own or other parties. He banned and jailed opponents, suppressed critical press coverage and more generally focused on the consolidation of his power above all other considerations. As his generally sympathetic biographer Salman Taseer put it: ‘He ruled his own party with an iron fist and proved pathologically incapable of sharing power in any form.”
We might speculate on some of the sources of his authoritarian predisposition. Certainly the nature of Pakistani politics, which tends to breed insecurity amongst political leaders, only reinforces authoritarian tendencies. There are the strong vested interests, the street power of the religious parties, the fickleness of many Pakistani politicians, and of course the threat of the army.
But we can hardly ignore Bhutto’s personality. His was of course an entitled upbringing. Wealth enabled him to study overseas at top institutions. Social connections came via his father who was a politician. The family also had hunting grounds, frequented by key movers and shakers in Pakistani political life, including Iskander Mirza. The connection between the Bhutto and Mirza families was longstanding and dated back prior to partition when a member of both families served in the Bombay Government. The relationship was cemented further by winter trips by Iskander Mirza to Larkana to the Bhutto hunting preserves. It was in 1957 that Mirza helped Bhutto become a member of the Pakistan delegation to the UN, when Bhutto was only 29.
Though helped greatly by such economic and social capital, he also of course possessed a formidable intellect well above that of his contemporaries. And though Bhutto drew on populism, he was no simple demagogue. He had a practised as a barrister in the 1950s and could bring a lawyer’s attention to detail. His sense of his own intelligence and superiority led to a lot of self-confidence and indeed hubris. Although Bennet-Jones does not use the word, it seems clear that Bhutto was a narcissist. The author writes, that “Most Pakistani leaders have succumbed to the flattery of sycophants. Zulfikar was perhaps particularly vulnerable because, especially towards the end, he really was surrounded by people with less talent than him. But his ego knew few bounds. In his speeches he spoke a lot about himself, repeatedly claiming he was willing to sacrifice himself for the nation and often describing himself in the third person.”
Ultimately, his style of leadership did little to put Pakistani politics on a more stable footing and was ruinous for the PPP as a genuine instrument for change. Despite some notable accomplishments, which Bennet-Jones notes, his era represented a missed opportunity.
As a pithy summary, we can do no better than take the quote from the book from a British Foreign Office official, writing in 1965, who summed up Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto as “A man of great gifts of the head and great defects of the heart.”
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