When looking at Saudi Arabia it can often be difficult to separate it from Wahhabism but the reality of Islam in the kingdom is significantly more complex. This is a first part of how political Islam took off in the country and how just like other Arab nations, the Saudi state found itself defending itself against Islamic extremism within it’s own borders. To simply view Saudi Arabia as fostering extremist Islam with no internal consequences is naive.
It’s first important to understand that from the beginning there were two dominant elites which were provided autonomy. The ulema would interpret Islam while the princes would govern the state. The ulema would not interfere with the running of the state providing it did not violate Sharia principles. This was limited to creed and public practice. The issue with the Shia for instance was creed based. The realm of politics was left to the princes, which is why for instance they left the realpolitik decisions of the states relationship with the UK and then the US after 1945 alone.
So what changed? The political climate. The Muslim Brotherhood who felt Muslims were in a stage of jahiliyyah (barbarity), and could only be saved by the rule of Islam. That he believed could only be achieved through offensive jihad.
Naturally this ideology didn’t sit well with the largely secular authoritarians who had power in the Arab world. Consequently members of the Brotherhood found themselves under heavy repression in the Arab world, and found refuge in Saudi Arabia. Syrians initially arrived in 1958 following the creation of the United Arab Republic and then following Hafez al-Assad taking power in 1963. Baathist repression in Iraq led to Iraqi members arriving in their droves in 1958.
Initially they were simply provided refuge but the start of the Arab Cold War required a new approach. The leftist, nationalist block pitted against what would be defined as the Islamic block. King Faisal from his time as a prince understood that the ideology of Nasser required a counter, a political and intellectual one. Islam thus would be a counter ideology. The Wahhabi ulema were not capable of this, thus the Brotherhood who already opposed these states were to denounce them as ‘ungodly.’
Egyptian radio was permeating even rural areas of Saudi denouncing the monarch as an agent of imperialism. The MB set up a radio station countering with Nasser as the Egyptian Stalin.
In 1965 the Saudis launched their first television network also dedicated to counter propaganda. Faisal was beginning to face serious problems at home with Arab nationalism and leftist ideas starting to take root. He began to understand that using media alone wasn’t going to solve the problem.
What was crucial was education, and the Muslim Brotherhood had many university qualified members. The Islamic University of Medina was formed and courses were administered by the MB. Well known members such as the Egyptian Ali Juraysha and Syrian Muhammad al-Majdhub.
The King Abd-al Aziz uni had senior members of the movement teaching there. Syrians such as Muhammad al-Mubarak, Ali al-Tantawi and Abd al-Rahman Habbanaka all taught shariah there.
Other famous names included the Palestinian Abdallah Azzam and the Egyptians Muhammad Qutb, Sayyid Sabiq and Muhammad al-Ghazzali.
Osama bin-Laden for example studied Islamic culture under Muhammad Qutb and Abdallah Azzam.
The universities continued to appear as did Brotherhood members at the helm. Teaching shariah, tafsir (exegesis), fiqh. Not only were they teaching in religious areas but also the secular such as science, economics, psychology and sociology which were provided an ‘Islamic orientation’ The MB were in charge of curriculum. The text ‘Educational Policy in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia formed by the Egyptian Manna al-Qatan is still a primary education document today.
‘Conveying the understanding of Islam in a just and comprehensive manner as creed, religious practice, conduct, sharia, government and system.’
For individuals ‘that requires inculcating an Islamic epistemology so that his conception of the universe, the individual and life emanates from a total Islamic vision.’
So what then of Wahhabism at this time? Aqeeda (creed) was their domain and that remained their domain. As mentioned exegesis and jurisprudence meanwhile was exclusively the MB’s domain. The further the MB came in terms of creed was Muhammad Qutb teaching ‘contemporary schools of thought.’
What’s crucial about the educational policy document is it stated the purposes for education. To become a ‘good Muslim...bear the message of Islam’ and ‘teaching him to identify cultural, economic and social problems in society and preparing him to contribute to their solution.’
This was imparted at primary, secondary and university level and formed the ideology of cultural, social and sports committees. Youth camps, scout groups were all formed with thirty summer camps in Riyadh alone. Competitions such as Quran recitation (tajweed), political chants. There were even exhibitions on ‘wounds of the Ummah.’ Students would perform in plays which re-enacted painful moments from Islamic history.
This was an extremely sophisticated and frankly effective campaign. Leftist and Arab nationalism was defeated at home, and MB ideology was providing a strong counterweight externally.
What the Saudi monarchy didn’t realise at the time was that this would backfire on them in a major way with the emergence of the Sahwa which will discussed in Part 2.
It’s first important to understand that from the beginning there were two dominant elites which were provided autonomy. The ulema would interpret Islam while the princes would govern the state. The ulema would not interfere with the running of the state providing it did not violate Sharia principles. This was limited to creed and public practice. The issue with the Shia for instance was creed based. The realm of politics was left to the princes, which is why for instance they left the realpolitik decisions of the states relationship with the UK and then the US after 1945 alone.
So what changed? The political climate. The Muslim Brotherhood who felt Muslims were in a stage of jahiliyyah (barbarity), and could only be saved by the rule of Islam. That he believed could only be achieved through offensive jihad.
Naturally this ideology didn’t sit well with the largely secular authoritarians who had power in the Arab world. Consequently members of the Brotherhood found themselves under heavy repression in the Arab world, and found refuge in Saudi Arabia. Syrians initially arrived in 1958 following the creation of the United Arab Republic and then following Hafez al-Assad taking power in 1963. Baathist repression in Iraq led to Iraqi members arriving in their droves in 1958.
Initially they were simply provided refuge but the start of the Arab Cold War required a new approach. The leftist, nationalist block pitted against what would be defined as the Islamic block. King Faisal from his time as a prince understood that the ideology of Nasser required a counter, a political and intellectual one. Islam thus would be a counter ideology. The Wahhabi ulema were not capable of this, thus the Brotherhood who already opposed these states were to denounce them as ‘ungodly.’
Egyptian radio was permeating even rural areas of Saudi denouncing the monarch as an agent of imperialism. The MB set up a radio station countering with Nasser as the Egyptian Stalin.
In 1965 the Saudis launched their first television network also dedicated to counter propaganda. Faisal was beginning to face serious problems at home with Arab nationalism and leftist ideas starting to take root. He began to understand that using media alone wasn’t going to solve the problem.
What was crucial was education, and the Muslim Brotherhood had many university qualified members. The Islamic University of Medina was formed and courses were administered by the MB. Well known members such as the Egyptian Ali Juraysha and Syrian Muhammad al-Majdhub.
The King Abd-al Aziz uni had senior members of the movement teaching there. Syrians such as Muhammad al-Mubarak, Ali al-Tantawi and Abd al-Rahman Habbanaka all taught shariah there.
Other famous names included the Palestinian Abdallah Azzam and the Egyptians Muhammad Qutb, Sayyid Sabiq and Muhammad al-Ghazzali.
Osama bin-Laden for example studied Islamic culture under Muhammad Qutb and Abdallah Azzam.
The universities continued to appear as did Brotherhood members at the helm. Teaching shariah, tafsir (exegesis), fiqh. Not only were they teaching in religious areas but also the secular such as science, economics, psychology and sociology which were provided an ‘Islamic orientation’ The MB were in charge of curriculum. The text ‘Educational Policy in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia formed by the Egyptian Manna al-Qatan is still a primary education document today.
‘Conveying the understanding of Islam in a just and comprehensive manner as creed, religious practice, conduct, sharia, government and system.’
For individuals ‘that requires inculcating an Islamic epistemology so that his conception of the universe, the individual and life emanates from a total Islamic vision.’
So what then of Wahhabism at this time? Aqeeda (creed) was their domain and that remained their domain. As mentioned exegesis and jurisprudence meanwhile was exclusively the MB’s domain. The further the MB came in terms of creed was Muhammad Qutb teaching ‘contemporary schools of thought.’
What’s crucial about the educational policy document is it stated the purposes for education. To become a ‘good Muslim...bear the message of Islam’ and ‘teaching him to identify cultural, economic and social problems in society and preparing him to contribute to their solution.’
This was imparted at primary, secondary and university level and formed the ideology of cultural, social and sports committees. Youth camps, scout groups were all formed with thirty summer camps in Riyadh alone. Competitions such as Quran recitation (tajweed), political chants. There were even exhibitions on ‘wounds of the Ummah.’ Students would perform in plays which re-enacted painful moments from Islamic history.
This was an extremely sophisticated and frankly effective campaign. Leftist and Arab nationalism was defeated at home, and MB ideology was providing a strong counterweight externally.
What the Saudi monarchy didn’t realise at the time was that this would backfire on them in a major way with the emergence of the Sahwa which will discussed in Part 2.
