SpiritOf1903
ODI Debutant
- Joined
- Oct 4, 2009
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The black community has long been maligned from the racism of 60s to the Windrush generation being deported. Indians have generally been accepted and have a generally passive and intellectual quality which lets them get on with it. But Pakistanis have always been the other; 'P***' was used not only as a slur but also a show of unity for India, from which the illegitimate state of Pakistan was spawned.
It's generally accepted Asians contributed vastly to the Empire in general but when it comes to the war, only statues erected in Britain are of sikh soldiers and the Sikh community generally is more vocal and more loved. It forgets Muslims also contributed vastly to the war effort and Jallianwal bagh wasn't just a sikh massacre but that's now the narrative.
Have Pakistanis allowed themselves to be cowed down and should their continued contribution not be a source of celebration?.
There is a shame to be Pakistani and a strong dislike of the people in Britain. Is the criminal underworld a factor or simply a byproduct of their standing in British society?.
It's generally accepted Asians contributed vastly to the Empire in general but when it comes to the war, only statues erected in Britain are of sikh soldiers and the Sikh community generally is more vocal and more loved. It forgets Muslims also contributed vastly to the war effort and Jallianwal bagh wasn't just a sikh massacre but that's now the narrative.
Have Pakistanis allowed themselves to be cowed down and should their continued contribution not be a source of celebration?.
There is a shame to be Pakistani and a strong dislike of the people in Britain. Is the criminal underworld a factor or simply a byproduct of their standing in British society?.
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/nov/21/cricket-racism-yorkshire-south-asian-muslims-azeem-rafiqIt’s not just cricket. Racism against Yorkshire’s south Asian Muslims has a long history
Suhaiymah Manzoor-Khan
Azeem Rafiq’s account and its reception point to the struggles of a community shaped by colonialism and exploitation
Yorkshire sits in the national imagination and how Yorkshire’s south Asian Muslims have been historically positioned as outsiders.
When Rafiq spoke about being physically pinned down and having red wine poured down his throat at age 15, I thought about the ways that action replicated the logic of a whole range of top-down policies and processes that have violently been imposed on people of colour.
For instance, in response to the arrival of Commonwealth migrants after the second world war, 11 local councils adopted a policy of “bussing” immigrant children to attend schools elsewhere in order that they made up no more than 30% of the classroom. Three of the 11 councils that adopted this policy – Bradford, Huddersfield and Halifax – were in Yorkshire. Paraded as an “integration” project, the buses were soon termed “**** buses” by local people, and children were taught in segregated sections of buildings. This exemplifies the paradoxical message that haunts us to this day: while we order you to integrate, we will continue to label you and punish you as outsiders.
At the time, the “problem” was immigrants not speaking English. Later, in 1988, the problem would be rearticulated as one of cultural backwardness linked specifically to Islam, in light of images of Asian Yorkshiremen burning Salman Rushdie’s Satanic Verses. By 2001, news media would invoke such images again when they spoke of riots in Bradford. The government review would explain the unrest as the result of “parallel lives” – suggesting that south Asians lived “apart from” the “rest of society”, rather than considering police brutality and fascist violence, or decades of deindustrialisation and unemployment, or racist labour and housing markets.
After 7/7, in 2005, the narrative about Yorkshire’s Asian Muslim population (both terms conflated since the war on terror began) would be solidified when three of the bombers were found to be from my hometown, Leeds. After so many decades of positioning Yorkshire’s Asians as a menace to the nation, the locale would be deemed explanation enough for their violence. Multiculturalism was declared a failure, and south Asian Muslims were seen to require surveillance at every level – now blatant through the Prevent strategy and counter-extremism, which criminalise our identities in every public institution. Entire Yorkshire towns would go on to be castigated through Islamophobic and racist stereotypes. Think of Rotherham and you think of “grooming gangs”; think of Bradford and you think of documentaries like Make Bradford British.
To fully understand this racism, we need to look deeper into the social and economic forces that shaped Yorkshire’s Asian population. British colonialism, working-class exploitation and racist border legislation can all shed light on the distinct manifestation of racism that Rafiq, and all of us, well know.
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