Is the Muslim vote starting to make an impact on UK politics?

Is the Muslim vote starting to make an impact on UK politics?


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Labour lost seats including Jonathan Ashworth’s in Leicester, where angry voters say they felt ignored

When Labour’s Jonathan Ashworth lost his Leicester South seat to the pro-Palestine independent candidate Shockat Adam, it was widely seen as one of the biggest upsets of election night.
But a walk along Evington Road, a busy shopping street with a large Muslim population in the constituency, showed that all the signs were there.

Posters and banners calling on people to vote for Adam were plastered on every other shop, while dozens of Palestine flags blew in the breeze along streets of terrace houses. Gaza is a huge issue here, alongside frustration with Ashworth’s performance locally.

“I was always a Labour voter, but it was [Ashworth] who changed me because he became complacent. He didn’t listen to us. When he abstained from the Gaza vote, he closed his doors on us. That wasn’t good enough,” said Kauser Patel, 37, a local business consultant who has been campaigning for Adam.

Despite the signs, his win on Thursday came as a shock even to his campaign, Patel said. It had attracted dozens of volunteers – many of them young – in recent weeks.

“We knew it was going to be hard, so we weren’t even thinking about winning. Canvassing has been tough, we were mainly speaking to Labour voters, trying to make them understand where we were coming from,” she said. “When he won, I was elated.”

Ashworth, who was the shadow paymaster general, had held the seat since 2011 and secured a majority of more than 22,000 in 2019. He was expected to take a seat in Keir Starmer’s cabinet and his Midlands constituency was considered safe Labour territory.
Patel was keen to stress that while Gaza was a key factor behind many people’s vote, Adam’s personal likeability, and his stance on issues such as improving the NHS and abolishing the two-child benefit cap, also went down well with residents.

He is an optician well-known in the area and has a strong presence on social media. “He’s well spoken and seems down to earth. It feels like he’s one of us and he’s inspired a lot of people,” said 26-year-old Saif Ali, who works on Evington Road in a shop for a charity, Al-ianah Humanity Welfare, raising money to send to people in crises abroad.

“I live right opposite the polling station and I was surprised at the amount of young people coming and going. I think that’s the thing with Adam, he engaged the youth on social media. A lot of young people just used to vote for Labour because their parents did, and I think that’s changed.”

The result here was probably compounded by other liberal voters turning away from Labour, such as 22-year-old politics student Daisy Sore, who voted Green instead. “I would consider myself a Labour voter but I don’t agree with where Keir Starmer has taken the party, and Ashworth’s delayed call for a ceasefire in Gaza was a real sticking point for me,” she said.

Ashworth was not the only high-profile Labour politician who became a victim of the party’s Gaza stance. In Birmingham, Khalid Mahmood, England’s first Muslim MP, lost the Perry Barr seat he had held since 2001 to the barrister Ayoub Khan, a former Liberal Democrat councillor who quit the party over Gaza.

All eyes had been on Birmingham Ladywood and Yardley – where pro-Palestine candidates wiped out Labour’s majority and came in second place. Across the city, Labour’s standing now looks shaky – in Birmingham Hall Green and Moseley, once considered one of the party’s safest seats, two independent candidates won more votes combined than Labour, suggesting the party might have lost if just one independent had stood.

Mahmood insisted his defeat was not down to the Gaza issue, which he said he had spoken out about, but he did admit the issue had “emotionally tugged” voters.

In Dewsbury and Batley in West Yorkshire, Labour’s Heather Iqbal – a former adviser to the shadow chancellor, Rachel Reeves – lost by nearly 7,000 votes to Iqbal Mohamed, an IT consultant who quit the party over its stance on the war in Gaza.
After Friday prayers, worshippers who spilled out of the Masjid e Mahmoodiyah in Batley were full of praise for Mohamed and his campaign. “I’m pleased that he’s won,” said Raja Waseem, 25. “We want people who will stand for things like Gaza and Palestine. I think the young generation can look up to him.”

“I was overwhelmed when I woke up this morning,” said Ash Hussain, 38. While Gaza was an important issue for him, he said he was also impressed by what Mohamed had achieved without a party machine. “He’s from a working-class background, and I think he’s done really well.”

Over the border in East Lancashire, another independent candidate, Adnan Hussain, overturned an 18,000 Labour majority in Blackburn. In 2019, while surrounding bricks in the “red wall” fell to the Tories, Blackburn looked rock solid – credited, at least in part, to the loyalty of south Asian voters.

“After 69 years of having a Labour MP, Blackburn has sent a message that Palestinian lives matter, and Muslim votes can’t be taken for granted,” Yusuf Patel, a religious leader in the town, said.

“This was not a message to the [former Labour] MP Kate Hollern, because she had an excellent track record when it came to Palestine, but it was a message to the Labour leadership.”

Salim Sidat, the former Labour councillor who led Hussain’s campaign, said: “We just want to send a message very, very clearly to Keir Starmer, and anybody in the world, that Muslim votes should not be taken for granted.

“We wanted somebody to stand up, we wanted Labour to stand up, people we’ve been voting for all our lives,” he said. “Keir Starmer was the issue, Kate Hollern was not the issue.”

The Blackburn Labour councillor Shaukat Hussain added: “Gaza was the No 1 issue, there’s no doubt about that. So it was difficult to talk about the manifesto, to talk about Labour’s policies.”
Ibrahim Master, another former Labour member who worked on Hussain’s campaign, said “hundreds if not thousands” like him had resigned their party membership over Gaza.

“We need to send a message to Starmer and the Labour party hierarchy that you cannot take Muslim votes for granted, and you also have to take other views into consideration. We have supported the Labour party for well over 40 years, but that doesn’t make you take our votes for granted,” he said.

Master said that in his view, Starmer’s party could win Muslim voters back in seats like these. “The Labour party left us in a way, we didn’t leave the Labour party,” he said.

Patel added: “If Labour revisited its foreign policy, and takes a neutral stance, and upholds international law, and campaigns for justice, then I see no reason why people wouldn’t revert, or at least consider their position.”

SOURCE: https://www.theguardian.com/politic...r-over-its-gaza-stance?CMP=Share_iOSApp_Other
 
It's a myopic view, because had Starmer conceded he'd easily be targeted by the right as a terrorist sympathiser and face losing many many more votes. This election an extreme right wing party got 4 million odd votes, that's more than the entire Muslim demographic (voting age and otherwise).

To top it all what happens after the Israel Palestine conflict? UK faces far more difficult challenges than a conflict happening thousands of miles away.
 
That extreme right party your referring to had hugh donations form a multi-million aire British born Pakistani.

The likes of Farage and his cronies are former brexiteers and bankers who have zilch interest in the demands of his voters.

All they want is a foothold in the gravy train in which they are beginning to succeed.
 
Of course, their votes matter because they are citizens of the UK.
 
The tough maths for Labor is that whether its worth chasing the Muslim votes if that attempt can alienate a larger vote base.
If Muslims are not voting for Labor, they are definitely not going to vote Tory.
 
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It's a myopic view, because had Starmer conceded he'd easily be targeted by the right as a terrorist sympathiser and face losing many many more votes. This election an extreme right wing party got 4 million odd votes, that's more than the entire Muslim demographic (voting age and otherwise).

To top it all what happens after the Israel Palestine conflict? UK faces far more difficult challenges than a conflict happening thousands of miles away.
Gaza was a big deal for me and one of the reasons I didn't vote at all this time around, but most of the pro Gaza campaigners for MP were nothing but political opportunists.

Muslims would be better served joining political parties that most align with their views and striving to ensure that politicians that meet their viewpoints are selected to stand.

I genuinely have no idea how some Muslim politicians like Shabana Mahmood and Khalid Mahmood got elected time and time again. So at least one good thing of the Muslim vote was that these kind of politicians who took their votes for granted have come under scrutiny.l
 
Gaza was a big deal for me and one of the reasons I didn't vote at all this time around, but most of the pro Gaza campaigners for MP were nothing but political opportunists.

Muslims would be better served joining political parties that most align with their views and striving to ensure that politicians that meet their viewpoints are selected to stand.

I genuinely have no idea how some Muslim politicians like Shabana Mahmood and Khalid Mahmood got elected time and time again. So at least one good thing of the Muslim vote was that these kind of politicians who took their votes for granted have come under scrutiny.l
Respect your feelings for the victims in Gaza.

But a far far greater portion of the voting public have greater issues that are more real and relevant to their daily lives, cost of living, declining public services, high interest rates, NHS etc..etc... these are things the Labour party can do something about.

Gaza is simply symbolic and I respect Starmer for not pandering and saying 'Labour demands immediate ceasefire in Gaza' and what then? Nethenyahu runs scared?

Being sympathetic doesn't mean logic takes a back seat. The UK government can do faff all about Gaza, but fixing this country is very much in their hands.
 
Respect your feelings for the victims in Gaza.

But a far far greater portion of the voting public have greater issues that are more real and relevant to their daily lives, cost of living, declining public services, high interest rates, NHS etc..etc... these are things the Labour party can do something about.

Gaza is simply symbolic and I respect Starmer for not pandering and saying 'Labour demands immediate ceasefire in Gaza' and what then? Nethenyahu runs scared?

Being sympathetic doesn't mean logic takes a back seat. The UK government can do faff all about Gaza, but fixing this country is very much in their hands.

The UK government is doing a lot to help the Israeli state.

They are flying overhead to gather intelligence for the Israelis.
They are providing diplomatic cover to the Israeli state.
They are currently preparing a legal case to argue that the ICJ has no jurisdiction over Israel.
They are selling weapons to the state of Israel.
They are actively at war with the Houthis.

It is completely possible to act on the above and fix the country too. The UK has taken an active role here. If they actively support the Israelis I'm not sure how you come to the conclusion that any support for the Gazans would be symbolic.
 
Hopefully these are short term things based on the appeasing response of the UK govt on Gaza. We don't need sectarian politics because it lead to more marginalisation of our communities and as has happened in Fr, we would end up with a right wing govt and all the liberty we have to live a dignified life with all.the religious freedom we could want would be put in jeopardy
 
That extreme right party your referring to had hugh donations form a multi-million aire British born Pakistani.

The likes of Farage and his cronies are former brexiteers and bankers who have zilch interest in the demands of his voters.

All they want is a foothold in the gravy train in which they are beginning to succeed.
Benjamin Habib?..

No, there is no such as 'Muslim vote'. The Indian diasporas shape the minority vote
 
the muslim vote is a strange term, if any non-muslim bunched all British Muslims together for some random political argument, or otherwise, there would be a large proportion saying please dont say "all Muslims" and generalising.

you cannot promote a group identity and then not expect those threatened by it to not "other" you. religion and politics does not mix, its divisive and destructuve, as demonstrated quite ironically, by the core issue being discussed here, Israel and Palestine.

please do not give more fodder to the far right in your ultimate aim of creating an ineffectual but prominent group of politicians pandering to the muslim vote.
 
the muslim vote is a strange term, if any non-muslim bunched all British Muslims together for some random political argument, or otherwise, there would be a large proportion saying please dont say "all Muslims" and generalising.

you cannot promote a group identity and then not expect those threatened by it to not "other" you. religion and politics does not mix, its divisive and destructuve, as demonstrated quite ironically, by the core issue being discussed here, Israel and Palestine.

please do not give more fodder to the far right in your ultimate aim of creating an ineffectual but prominent group of politicians pandering to the muslim vote.
You can try to deny group identity but its the hard reality. Aren't you grouping the people of Far-right here?
Political maths works in that manner, it cant be denied.
 
Are deep shifts in Muslim and Jewish voting here to stay?

However big the headline change in the vote between the past two elections, drill down into two demographic pockets of Britain and you find staggering shifts.

It all centres around the relationships between the Labour Party and not just Muslim voters, but Jewish voters too.

It leaves a party in government that has made progress in winning back trust among people from one faith group while suddenly finding itself with a lot of work to do to win back many members of the other.

The drop in the Labour vote share among British Muslims between 2019 and 2024 very obviously played out in several constituencies. This happened most dramatically in Leicester South, with a Muslim population close to 30%, where Shadow Paymaster General Jon Ashworth lost his seat to independent Shockat Adam.

In the seat of Dewsbury and Batley, in Birmingham Perry Barr and in Blackburn, there were wins for independents in what had been safe Labour seats with large numbers of Muslim voters.

In places like Bradford West and the seat of Bethnal Green and Stepney in east London, sitting Labour MPs clung on with startling reductions in their majorities.

Mish Rahman, from Wolverhampton, is not just any Muslim voter. He currently sits on the National Executive Committee (NEC) of the Labour Party, a body of fewer than 40 members.

He is furious with the party’s response to the killing of tens of thousands of people in Gaza and the humanitarian crisis there.

“In my community it has got to the point where I am now embarrassed about my affiliation with Labour,” he says.

“It was hard even to tell members of my own extended family to go and knock on doors to tell people to vote for a party that originally gave Israel carte blanche in its response to the horrific 7 October attacks,” says Mr Rahman.

He lays the blame for the decline in Muslim voting for Labour squarely at the door of the Labour leader.

Sir Keir Starmer was criticised by many in his party, including councillors, for an interview with LBC in October in which he suggested that Israel “had the right” to withhold power and water in Gaza. His spokesman subsequently suggested the Labour leader had only meant to say Israel had a general right to self-defence.

Then when Labour MPs were told by the party leadership in November to abstain from voting on an SNP-led motion calling for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, some Labour councillors resigned and, for many Muslims, trust in their Labour MP was lost.

Faith communities are far from homogenous, of course. There are myriad factors that govern how a person will cast their vote, but faith does throw up a unique set of considerations that plays out in broad voting patterns.

Muslims are estimated to form around 6.5% of the population of England and Wales, with around 2% in Scotland and 1% in Northern Ireland.

Well over 80% of Muslims are believed to have voted for Labour in 2019. Research just ahead of the 2024 election suggested that had dropped nationally by up to 20 percentage points, and in some constituencies the Muslim vote for Labour clearly fell further.

The contrast with Jewish voting data could not be more stark. In 2019, the proportion of British Jews (about 0.5% of the population) who voted for a Labour Party led by Jeremy Corbyn is thought to have collapsed to just single figures. Research suggests that figure could have climbed back to above 40%.

“What we have seen is a huge bounce-back for Labour among Jewish voters,” says Adam Langleben, who was until recently the national secretary of the Jewish Labour Movement.

Mr Langleben, a former Labour councillor and now director of Progressive Britain (formerly Progress), points to Labour wins in London in the Finchley and Golders Green seat and also Hendon as well as Bury South in Greater Manchester, all constituencies with large Jewish populations.

“Jewish voters returning to the party has undoubtedly delivered seats to the Labour Party,” says Mr Langleben.

“You don’t need a majority of Jewish voters to win in these constituencies, but you also can’t only have 7% of them voting for you and expect to win,” he says.

Mr Langleben had been a senior member of the Jewish Labour Movement but was one of many Jewish members of the party to give up their membership during the Corbyn era. When he left in 2019, he said it was on account of the party being “led by antisemites”, an accusation always strongly denied by those leading the party at the time.

“It was a situation that was all-consuming. I would be canvassing for the Labour Party in a Jewish area and had people in tears on the doorstep saying there was no way they could vote for Jeremy Corbyn, and I was trying to juggle this huge personal tension,” he says.

Mr Langleben puts Mr Corbyn’s problems down to both a lack of personal reflection about who he was associating with, and what he says was the party’s inability to deal with extreme elements in its base and tolerance of the use of antisemitic tropes.

“From day one, Keir Starmer pledged to work with the Jewish community to try to deal with the issues inside the Labour Party. For him, fixing what went wrong was a personal mission,” he says.

But given that Keir Starmer supported Jeremy Corbyn throughout his leadership, Jewish voters at hustings in synagogues and community centres around the country had been grilling Labour candidates as to why they should trust the current leader now.

“The Jewish vote is now split and that’s how it should be. The results show there wasn’t a dominant party of choice, and that’s healthy, and still represents a huge transformation for Labour,” says Mr Langleben.

So while mistrust clearly still remains, what is responsible for the transformation in the perception of the Labour Party among some British Jews?

The fact that the current leadership’s criticism of Israel’s response to the 7 October attacks has been more tempered than it may have been under the previous leadership may have contributed.

But long before that, Mr Langleben cites a change in the way complaints around “protected characteristics” like faith are dealt with by the party, but also refers to one thing that convinced him he was right to re-join the party.

“The fundamental moment was Jeremy Corbyn being suspended from the Labour Party and then subsequently having the whip removed, because it showed Keir Starmer’s determination and his willingness to take on parts of the party that previously he had not been willing to take on,” he says.

Jeremy Corbyn’s suspension is precisely identified by Mr Rahman too as the first major showdown between different wings of the party under Keir Starmer.

Except, as someone who had been inspired by Mr Corbyn from the days of Stop the War protests in the lead-up to the UK-backed invasion of Iraq in 2003, Mr Rahman was on the other side, saying that was the moment when the alarm bells started ringing for him that the party leaders were not safeguarding the values he believed in.

Mr Rahman does not see the party’s anti-Muslim slant as being limited to its response to events in Gaza. He does not question there have been serious cases of antisemitism but does not believe all accusations of racism are treated equally.

“There is a clear hierarchy of racism in the Labour Party. Some instances of racism, including Islamophobia, aren't taken as seriously as they should,” he says.

Mr Rahman cites the case of Trevor Phillips, the former chair of the EHRC, who was suspended for alleged Islamophobia.

Mr Phillips had said British Muslims were “a nation within a nation” and previously that their opinion was “some distance away from the centre of gravity of everybody else’s”, though later he suggested this had not necessarily been meant as a criticism.

Mr Phillips was readmitted to the party in 2021 without it going to a panel inquiry.

Mr Rahman, like many other Muslims, also points to Keir Starmer’s own comments, like those made in a Sun livestream during the election campaign, when he talked of migrants being sent back to the countries they came from.

“At the moment, people coming from countries like Bangladesh are not being removed because they’re not being processed,” the Labour leader said.

“Can you imagine the Labour Party saying that about people of any other ethnicity? Saying they're going to deport people to Israel or Ukraine or Hong Kong? It wouldn’t happen and neither should it,” says Mr Rahman.

Such is his disenchantment with Labour’s response that, coupled with wider concerns regarding the treatment of Muslims, he lays a serious charge against the party.

“I don’t doubt for a minute that Labour is currently institutionally Islamophobic,” says Mr Rahman.

Mr Rahman wants to use his voice to call out hypocrisy in the party while in government, in the hope that it will learn what he says is a lesson of this election - that no voter can be taken for granted.

Mr Rahman did give up his membership of the Labour Party once before, in protest at Tony Blair’s role in the Iraq War.

He, and other Muslims, felt persuaded to come back to the party in 2014 when the then-leader Ed Miliband condemned the scale of an Israeli operation in Gaza and the hundreds of civilian deaths.

Once again, at the same moment, Mr Langleben was seeing things very differently on the doorsteps of Jewish voters.

Even though Mr Miliband was himself Jewish, it was a time when polls were showing a rapid decline in Jewish support for Labour, particularly when the party’s 2015 manifesto talked about a parliamentary vote to recognise a Palestinian state.

“There were sometimes quite horrible conversations with Jewish voters who really cared about the issue of Israel,” says Mr Langleben.

“People in 2015 were accusing the Labour Party of antisemitism, but I think it fundamentally misread what antisemitism is. Then, it was a primarily about a foreign policy issue, Israel. That changed by 2019 when conversations were around a particular strain of far-left anti-Jewish racism,” says Mr Langleben.

For some of those supportive of the Corbyn-era leadership, that sense that criticism of Israel was being conflated with antisemitism was also something they felt occurred while he was leader.

The Hamas attacks of the 7 October 2023 happened during the week of the Labour Party conference and Mr Langleben says it was strange to see normal political business go on while he and other Jewish delegates were going through a difficult and upsetting period.

Ultimately, Mr Langleben says he has been pleased with the way Keir Starmer has handled the crisis, seeing it as Labour realigning itself with UK and US government policy on Israel.

This is precisely why during this election campaign, Mr Rahman had the hardest conversations on the doorsteps of Muslim voters he had ever had, with anger and frustration boiling over about Israel’s actions in Gaza.

“If you look back at the history of the relationship between our communities and the Labour Party, it's always been a one-sided affair of loyalty from our communities,” Mr Rahman says. The Labour Party’s roots in his own family go back to his grandfather, who was a factory worker in the 1950s and 60s. Mr Rahman talks of feeling “betrayed”.

Gaza of course is not just a Muslim issue, and not all Muslims ranked it is one of the key considerations on which they voted, but it had an impact.

Similarly, Israel policy is not necessarily a major consideration for all Jewish voters, and even for those for whom it is, there are those who are highly critical of the Israeli government and are at odds with the response of Labour under Starmer.

But while over the decades the Jewish vote has swung between the two main parties broadly in line with the general population, it would appear that if one puts to one side all of the rows over antisemitism, the party’s outlook on Israel does impact voting intention.

Separately, both Mish Rahman and Adam Langleben are very clear that their accusations of discrimination levelled at the party in different eras do not just relate to party policy on the Middle East.

Even if everyone can be satisfied that accusations of discrimination are dealt with equally, such are the modern tensions around Middle East policy that political parties may struggle to find a position that does not alienate some members of one of these faith communities.

Labour has achieved much in winning back the levels of Jewish voters it has, but it has also left huge swathes of loyal Muslim voters in Britain feeling politically adrift, and large swings in culture and policy over recent years leave many in each community needing convincing of the true nature of the party.

BBC
 
You can try to deny group identity but its the hard reality. Aren't you grouping the people of Far-right here?
Political maths works in that manner, it cant be denied.
the far right is a political group, like lumping together all Muslims only makes sense in terms of being a religious group. the grouping is context dependent.

islam isnt a political position, and Muslims encompass widely varying politics, hence why it doesnt make sense to either lump them together, or for Muslims to try and insinuate their is some Muslim voting identify when it serves their ends.
 
the far right is a political group, like lumping together all Muslims only makes sense in terms of being a religious group. the grouping is context dependent.

islam isnt a political position, and Muslims encompass widely varying politics, hence why it doesnt make sense to either lump them together, or for Muslims to try and insinuate their is some Muslim voting identify when it serves their ends.
If a big chunk of a group votes a certain way, it can easily get classified as such.
From what I am reading, a decent chunk of Muslims voted or chose not to vote based on Gaza, which is an Islamic issue.
Hence the classification.

I may be wrong in this data, but absence of growth in vote share of Labour does indicate to this. They lost ground in Muslim dominated areas.
 
Benjamin Habib?..

No, there is no such as 'Muslim vote'. The Indian diasporas shape the minority vote

Zia Yousuf

A Muslim entrepreneur has donated hundreds of thousands of pounds to Reform UK, claiming the UK has "lost control of our borders”.

The precise amount Zia Yusuf has given to the party has not been disclosed but Reform UK claims it is the biggest donation of their general election campaign so far.

Reform UK leader Nigel Farage has faced criticism from Muslim organisations after he said a growing number of Muslims do not share British values.

When asked by the BBC about critics labelling some in Reform UK racist, Mr Yusuf said the party leadership "feel very strongly that we should protect British values and put British people of all religions and creeds first."

As well as being a donor, the BBC understands the 37-year-old will have a public role for Reform UK during the campaign.

In an interview with The Telegraph, which first reported the story of his donation, Mr Yusuf said: "I love Britain and I'm a patriot, a British Muslim patriot, which I believe the vast majority of Muslims in the UK are."

Mr Yusuf, who earned an estimated £31m from selling his luxury concierge app Velocity Black last year, told the BBC he believed "unsustainable" net migration levels were making it harder for legal migrants to integrate and overwhelming the NHS.

"We have lost control of our borders. That's my view. And I think it's an objective statement," he told the BBC.

Sorry, we can’t display this part of the story on this lightweight mobile page.

View the full version of the page to see all the content.

The entrepreneur, whose parents came to Britain from Sri Lanka in the 1980s and worked in the NHS, told the BBC "we need a grown-up discussion about immigration without name-calling".

He said it was his "patriotic duty" to fund Nigel Farage and Reform UK.

Last month, Mr Farage told Sky News: “We have a growing number of young people in this country who do not subscribe to British values, [who] in fact loathe much of what we stand for.”

Asked if he was talking about Muslims, he said: “We are."

Zara Mohammed, secretary general of the Muslim Council of Britain, accused him of deploying “horribly Islamophobic, racist and hate-filled rhetoric of misinformation”.

Reform UK said Mr Yusuf's donation was given “very recently” as a single lump sum so it has not yet shown up in Electoral Commission donation figures.

In the first week of the campaign, Reform UK raised £140,000, compared to Labour's £927,000 the Conservatives £575,000 and the Lib Dems £455,000, the Electoral Commission reported.

Born in Scotland, Mr Yusuf moved with his parents to the south of England and won a partial scholarship to attend the private Hampton School in Middlesex.

After working at Goldman Sachs, he quit his high-paying job to start Velocity Black with an old school friend.

Until recently, he was a Conservative Party member but left due to Rishi Sunak's government's inability to "make difficult decisions."

Despite parallels with Mr Sunak - both sons of migrants who entered finance after attending elite fee-paying schools - Mr Yusuf said the PM can no longer "credibly govern".

"Whatever is in the hearts of Conservative leaders, the reality is they are so disunited, and when there is so much infighting in the party," he said.



 
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If a big chunk of a group votes a certain way, it can easily get classified as such.
From what I am reading, a decent chunk of Muslims voted or chose not to vote based on Gaza, which is an Islamic issue.
Hence the classification.

I may be wrong in this data, but absence of growth in vote share of Labour does indicate to this. They lost ground in Muslim dominated areas.
i know muslim voters who voted tory, green, labour, and didnt vote at all.

yes in the midlands there was a phenomenon of Muslim voters voting primarily due to gaza, however if its one geographic group then to me that would take more precedence over the Muslim identity.

i dont think a big majority of Muslims in London voted based on that concern.
 
i know muslim voters who voted tory, green, labour, and didnt vote at all.

yes in the midlands there was a phenomenon of Muslim voters voting primarily due to gaza, however if its one geographic group then to me that would take more precedence over the Muslim identity.

i dont think a big majority of Muslims in London voted based on that concern.

Media and analysts try to simplify and group for making a narrative bhai. We cant change that. It might feel offensive as an individual but Statistics and maths tend to give some reliable parameters based on such groupings.
 
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Zia Yousuf

A Muslim entrepreneur has donated hundreds of thousands of pounds to Reform UK, claiming the UK has "lost control of our borders”.

The precise amount Zia Yusuf has given to the party has not been disclosed but Reform UK claims it is the biggest donation of their general election campaign so far.

Reform UK leader Nigel Farage has faced criticism from Muslim organisations after he said a growing number of Muslims do not share British values.

When asked by the BBC about critics labelling some in Reform UK racist, Mr Yusuf said the party leadership "feel very strongly that we should protect British values and put British people of all religions and creeds first."

As well as being a donor, the BBC understands the 37-year-old will have a public role for Reform UK during the campaign.

In an interview with The Telegraph, which first reported the story of his donation, Mr Yusuf said: "I love Britain and I'm a patriot, a British Muslim patriot, which I believe the vast majority of Muslims in the UK are."

Mr Yusuf, who earned an estimated £31m from selling his luxury concierge app Velocity Black last year, told the BBC he believed "unsustainable" net migration levels were making it harder for legal migrants to integrate and overwhelming the NHS.

"We have lost control of our borders. That's my view. And I think it's an objective statement," he told the BBC.

Sorry, we can’t display this part of the story on this lightweight mobile page.

View the full version of the page to see all the content.

The entrepreneur, whose parents came to Britain from Sri Lanka in the 1980s and worked in the NHS, told the BBC "we need a grown-up discussion about immigration without name-calling".

He said it was his "patriotic duty" to fund Nigel Farage and Reform UK.

Last month, Mr Farage told Sky News: “We have a growing number of young people in this country who do not subscribe to British values, [who] in fact loathe much of what we stand for.”

Asked if he was talking about Muslims, he said: “We are."

Zara Mohammed, secretary general of the Muslim Council of Britain, accused him of deploying “horribly Islamophobic, racist and hate-filled rhetoric of misinformation”.

Reform UK said Mr Yusuf's donation was given “very recently” as a single lump sum so it has not yet shown up in Electoral Commission donation figures.

In the first week of the campaign, Reform UK raised £140,000, compared to Labour's £927,000 the Conservatives £575,000 and the Lib Dems £455,000, the Electoral Commission reported.

Born in Scotland, Mr Yusuf moved with his parents to the south of England and won a partial scholarship to attend the private Hampton School in Middlesex.

After working at Goldman Sachs, he quit his high-paying job to start Velocity Black with an old school friend.

Until recently, he was a Conservative Party member but left due to Rishi Sunak's government's inability to "make difficult decisions."

Despite parallels with Mr Sunak - both sons of migrants who entered finance after attending elite fee-paying schools - Mr Yusuf said the PM can no longer "credibly govern".

"Whatever is in the hearts of Conservative leaders, the reality is they are so disunited, and when there is so much infighting in the party," he said.



Well he's a classic case of Stockholm syndrome then. Don't disagree with the sentiment but Reform and frog are vile
 
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