DW44
T20I Debutant
- Joined
- Apr 12, 2009
- Runs
- 7,314
I was reading an article by NFP recently about whether or not Pakistan is ready for CPEC and he touched on the widely held notion that "Pakistan is a conservative society". One bit in particular caught my eye because it is something I've personally observed over the last few years but hardly ever seen discussed in the media, social media or drawing rooms.
Referring to the hyper conservatism that has now become a hallmark of Pakistani society, he said:
Now I can see many people pointing out that Paracha was referring to conservatism, not extremism so let me state at the outset that I'm not limiting the scope of this thread strictly to what he says but about the broader issue of extremism and ultra conservatism.
Most people are familiar to some extent with the history of Pakistan in the 70s and 80s, or at least versions of it that conform to their ideological tilt. They know Pakistan was a fairly tolerant, if not necessarily liberal, society that was far less conservative than it is today. They also know that Zia ul Haq was the man who precipitated that change through his legal and educational "reforms", including rewriting large parts of Pakistan's history. Some of the better informed among us would also know that it was not in fact Zia, but Bhutto who set us down this path with Zia taking Bhutto's project to it's logical conclusion.
In recent years though, it's quite clear that the Pakistani brand of hyper conservatism, that incorporates many extremist ideologies, owes its continued existence to the greater Pakistani society than it does to the Pakistani state, with everyone from Musharraf(only during his last 3-4 years), PPP and PML, taking a backseat on the issue.
We saw the massive public support for Mumtaz Qadri and the subsequent siege of parliament by Sunni Tehreek and other supporters of his, one of their demands being that the blasphemy law not be touched by the government. We have seen women's rights legislation, particularly with regards to honor killings and domestic violence, being held hostage by the clergy which draws it's power from the people, not the state.
Attacks on religious minorities, from the attack on Ahmadi mosques in Jhelum a few years ago to the most recent one in Chakwal that had no involvement of organized state sponsored extremist organizations, the torching of two Christian colonies in Lahore in 2013 and 2015, to the burning of a Christian couple by a lynch mob in Faisalabad have all been lead by members of the public, not any state agencies or terrorist organizations. Nowhere is this more obvious than in the legal community where a large network of lawyers has formed a coalition that represents anyone charged with killing a blasphemer for free, and are known to intimidate opposing council, resulting in at least one lawyer being murdered for defending a blasphemer in Multan recently(some time between 2013 and 2015, can't remember the exact year).
Political parties such as PML-N, PPP and PTI have no way of establishing control in several parts of Pakistan without entering into alliances with the likes of ASWJ who command huge vote banks, i.e. extremists/terrorists propped up by the public. One of the biggest reasons given for an operation on the lines of Zarb e Azb not being conducted in Punjab, the epicenter of sectarian terrorism in Pakistan and home to the two largest terrorist organizations operating on Pakistani soil, is that these organizations enjoy massive public support and any action against them could quickly spiral into a quasi civil war.
Which brings me to my original question. When did this passing of the torch actually happen because despite living in Pakistan, I missed it. Until the early 2000s, I remember extremist values being anywhere near as mainstream as they are now. This may not necessarily be true since I was a wee teenager back then and not very observant of or sensitive to such things but I recall a girl in my A-Level(2004-2006) class being openly atheist, something that is inconceivable today and could realistically put one in serious danger. I don't recall lynch mobs, blasphemy being part of the national discourse, or large segments of the public actively opposing the state's efforts to move away from Zia's legacy like they do now.
[MENTION=22846]Nostalgic[/MENTION] I understand you were in Pakistan till the early-mid 2000s and given your acute sensitivity to things of this nature, could you enlighten me as to when this transition took place. More importantly, how? Would you say that the coming of age of the millenials, especially the younger ones(born in the mid 90s or later), had something to do with it? I'm particularly interested in the views of those who have lived in Pakistan during the 90s and 2000s because this is when I think the buck was passed.
Referring to the hyper conservatism that has now become a hallmark of Pakistani society, he said:
"What’s more, what was once a project of the state has become a project of the society. This is why now, when the state wants to alter its course in this context, it is finding it tough. Indeed, it has realised that CPEC promises positive change. But to fully benefit from such a change, society and polity needs to change as well. This is what the Pakistani state and government should now be working towards."
Now I can see many people pointing out that Paracha was referring to conservatism, not extremism so let me state at the outset that I'm not limiting the scope of this thread strictly to what he says but about the broader issue of extremism and ultra conservatism.
Most people are familiar to some extent with the history of Pakistan in the 70s and 80s, or at least versions of it that conform to their ideological tilt. They know Pakistan was a fairly tolerant, if not necessarily liberal, society that was far less conservative than it is today. They also know that Zia ul Haq was the man who precipitated that change through his legal and educational "reforms", including rewriting large parts of Pakistan's history. Some of the better informed among us would also know that it was not in fact Zia, but Bhutto who set us down this path with Zia taking Bhutto's project to it's logical conclusion.
In recent years though, it's quite clear that the Pakistani brand of hyper conservatism, that incorporates many extremist ideologies, owes its continued existence to the greater Pakistani society than it does to the Pakistani state, with everyone from Musharraf(only during his last 3-4 years), PPP and PML, taking a backseat on the issue.
We saw the massive public support for Mumtaz Qadri and the subsequent siege of parliament by Sunni Tehreek and other supporters of his, one of their demands being that the blasphemy law not be touched by the government. We have seen women's rights legislation, particularly with regards to honor killings and domestic violence, being held hostage by the clergy which draws it's power from the people, not the state.
Attacks on religious minorities, from the attack on Ahmadi mosques in Jhelum a few years ago to the most recent one in Chakwal that had no involvement of organized state sponsored extremist organizations, the torching of two Christian colonies in Lahore in 2013 and 2015, to the burning of a Christian couple by a lynch mob in Faisalabad have all been lead by members of the public, not any state agencies or terrorist organizations. Nowhere is this more obvious than in the legal community where a large network of lawyers has formed a coalition that represents anyone charged with killing a blasphemer for free, and are known to intimidate opposing council, resulting in at least one lawyer being murdered for defending a blasphemer in Multan recently(some time between 2013 and 2015, can't remember the exact year).
Political parties such as PML-N, PPP and PTI have no way of establishing control in several parts of Pakistan without entering into alliances with the likes of ASWJ who command huge vote banks, i.e. extremists/terrorists propped up by the public. One of the biggest reasons given for an operation on the lines of Zarb e Azb not being conducted in Punjab, the epicenter of sectarian terrorism in Pakistan and home to the two largest terrorist organizations operating on Pakistani soil, is that these organizations enjoy massive public support and any action against them could quickly spiral into a quasi civil war.
Which brings me to my original question. When did this passing of the torch actually happen because despite living in Pakistan, I missed it. Until the early 2000s, I remember extremist values being anywhere near as mainstream as they are now. This may not necessarily be true since I was a wee teenager back then and not very observant of or sensitive to such things but I recall a girl in my A-Level(2004-2006) class being openly atheist, something that is inconceivable today and could realistically put one in serious danger. I don't recall lynch mobs, blasphemy being part of the national discourse, or large segments of the public actively opposing the state's efforts to move away from Zia's legacy like they do now.
[MENTION=22846]Nostalgic[/MENTION] I understand you were in Pakistan till the early-mid 2000s and given your acute sensitivity to things of this nature, could you enlighten me as to when this transition took place. More importantly, how? Would you say that the coming of age of the millenials, especially the younger ones(born in the mid 90s or later), had something to do with it? I'm particularly interested in the views of those who have lived in Pakistan during the 90s and 2000s because this is when I think the buck was passed.