What is Imran Khan's Balochistan agenda?

Loralai

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Good write up by Rafi Ullah Kakar for DT (https://dailytimes.com.pk/284914/what-is-your-balochistan-agenda-mr-pm/). Well worth reading if you're interested in Balochistan's issues.

Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) has emerged as the single largest party in the National Assembly (NA) amid allegations of massive pre-poll political engineering and post-poll rigging. While the controversy around elections is likely to drag on for a while, Imran Khan is all set to become the next Prime Minister (PM) of Pakistan.

As PTI prepares to assume power for the first time at the federal level, it will have to cope with a number of critical issues and challenges confronting Pakistan today, including the conflict in Balochistan.

Balochistan is in the grip of the fifth and longest running insurgency since 1947. The current insurgency began after the veteran Baloch leader Nawab Akbar Bugti was killed by General Musharraf in a military operation in August 2006. Bugti had reservations about royalty payments on Sui gas, construction of additional military cantonments in Balochistan and the development of the Gwadar port. While Bugti was open to dialogue and existence within a restructured federal framework, his successors — who are predominantly educated young people from middle class backgrounds — spurn dialogue and coexistence within the federation of Pakistan.

Over the past decade, the conflict landscape in Balochistan has become very complex with the rise of sectarian and religious militancy. Sunni militant groups and the Islamic State have established footprints in the province and are responsible for most of the deadly attacks carried out in the last few years. Police, journalists, lawyers and the Hazara community have borne the brunt of their growing influence.

One of the key reasons why previous efforts to reconcile the Baloch separatists failed because repression went hand in hand with reconciliation efforts and those leading the process had little leeway and freedom to negotiate to make meaningful offers

Restoring peace in Balochistan should, therefore, be the foremost priority of the new government. This requires a holistic but differentiated strategy. To begin with, tackling the Sunni and sectarian militancy requires a fundamental shift in our national security and Afghan policy. There is a widely held perception in the province that the policy of “good” and “bad” Taliban persists. Durable peace in Balochistan and FATA can only be established when there is peace in Afghanistan. Only a policy of zero tolerance and indiscriminate action against terrorism can help us eradicate this menace.

The Baloch ethnic conflict is different in nature and requires a political solution. Neither cosmetic development packages nor military operations are going to resolve the issue. Here is what the government needs to do to find a sustainable solution to the conflict:

The government must prepare a comprehensive strategy for reaching out to the Baloch insurgents. This strategy should entail credible guarantees, substantial concessions and confidence building measures (CBMs) such as ceasing of all military operations, withdrawal of FC from certain areas, release of Baloch missing persons and compensation for families of those killed in extrajudicial manner. In absence of CBMs and substantial concessions, negotiations are unlikely to succeed. Mere offers of amnesty won’t convince insurgent leaders to abandon violence and return home. One of the key reasons why previous efforts to reconcile the Baloch separatists failed because repression went hand in hand with reconciliation efforts and those leading the process had little leeway and freedom to negotiate to make meaningful offers.

The military’s over-bearing presence in Balochistan, however, is the biggest obstacle in the way of a political solution. The military calls the shots in the province. It has used a range of tactics from repression and use of force to political exclusion and engineering to deal with the Baloch ethnic issue. The military’s hard approach has impeded the growth of political parties, weakened legitimacy of civilian governments and eroded public faith and confidence in parliamentary politics.

Therefore, reigning in the military establishment is a prerequisite for the restoration of durable peace. In addition to the military, a class of Baloch political leaders can also sabotage this process. These are people who have made political fortunes out of this conflict and enhanced their power by hanging on to the military’s coat-tail. Unfortunately, most of them are part of the Balochistan Awami Party, which is likely to rule the province for the next five years. So the negotiation process would be better off without the heavy involvement of this group of politicians.

Baloch concerns regarding control over their natural and coastal resources must be addressed. For example: control of the multi-billion Saindak copper-gold project was supposed to be transferred to the Government of Balochistan in 2012 under the Aghaz-e-Haqooq-e-Balochistan package. The federal government refused to transfer the ownership of the project to Balochistan, claiming outstanding dues of Rs 27 billion that it had invested in the project. The lease agreement of the project has since been extended twice by the federal government, without the genuine consent of the Balochistan government.

Similarly, Baloch people have serious grievances regarding the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). They have concerns about the influx of human labour and threats to their demographic balance, displacement, share of local people in jobs and financial and administrative control over Gwadar port. Moreover, they fear that CPEC will increase oppression and intensify isolation of the Baloch people rather than bringing socio-economic development and integration.

The new government shall introduce a constitutional amendment to enhance the powers of Senate and replace the current method of indirect election with direct elections. Pakistan’s current majoritarian federal design makes Balochistan the least rewarding political constituency for political parties seeking to come to power at the federal level. It offers little or no incentive to these parties to care about Balochistan. This primarily explains why successive governments in Islamabad have tended to remain indifferent about Balochistan. Moreover, the Senate has been ineffective in enabling smaller provinces like Balochistan to block policies or legislations that may impinge upon their rights.

A directly-elected and powerful Senate is likely to incentivise state-wide parties to take serious interest in Balochistan. This will in turn induce more political competition and bring technical expertise and experience to the province. Besides, enhanced powers will give smaller provinces like Balochistan more say in decision-making at the federal level.

The writer is a public policy graduate from University of Oxford

Published in Daily Times, August 18th 2018.
 
The biggest problem in Balochistan are these Baloch Sardars and Feudals.
 
The people of Balochistan have suffered too much for too long, a full reconciliation drive must be undertaken. First of all, PTI really MUST make sure that Akhtar Mengal's concerns and clauses are all met, it will be a symbol of goodwill and progress, and it will be good for Balochistan.

Second of all, the federal government needs to launch a federal package for Balochistan the way they plan to launch one for Karachi. Through this federal package, the government must rapidly work towards investing in Balochistan's human capital. Hospitals, schools, universities, and water facilities should be a top priority.

Thirdly, these madrasahs in Balochistan need to be brought into the mainstream. You can't just destroy them, nor can you isolate them. The government needs to help them out, make them teach a proper school curriculum, and regulate their religious curriculum. This will really help fight extremism in the long term.

Fourth, Balochis need to be given ownership of their resources, and the federal government should only help in managing those resources. For example: control of the multi-billion Saindak copper-gold project mentioned in the above write up.

Fifth, the federal government needs to work with the Balochistan government towards implementing it's plans of job creation, tourism, and housing. These three things are very important, as it will create job opportunities for the people of Balochistan. It would also help if PTI fulfil their promise to Akhtar Mengal, and send Afghan refugees back to Afghanistan.

Sixth, Balochistan can't be in a constant state of insurgency. What is really needed is some dialogue. The government needs to open dialogue with these nationalist insurgents, and see what their demands are. They need to be reassured that Pakistan will live up to it's commitment to Balochistan, and the government needs to back up their words with action.

Seventh, as mentioned in the article, the senate needs to be directly elected. This will genuinely be a good way to create more interest in Balochistan. The senate has an equal number of seats in all provinces, and hence, we won't have a case of "the winner of Punjab wins Pakistan". You will need to win in all four provinces to win a majority in the senate.

Some of the above are already PTI policies, while other things are things we can probably expect from Imran Khan.
 
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The biggest problem in Balochistan are these Baloch Sardars and Feudals.

No bhaijan, biggest problem is the overwhelming and disproportionate presence of our armed forces.

Pakistan has had seventy years to rid Balochistan of feudal problem, but even today if you look at the make up of BAP it is filled with pro-establishment feudal figures.

We need to complete demilitarisation of the province to restore peoples faith in the security services.
 
I don't think this is true and I don't think Afghan presence in Balochistan is a significant point of concern.

It's one of Akhtar Mengal's demands. How about not projecting your own anti military Utopian view of Balochis and actually comment on what they actually say/want
 
As Imran Khan has said in the past a good police force is always preferable over military presence. The military is needed in the province to deal with the militancy but the military is not responsible for civil justice and law enforcement. A good police force which operates independently from the Sardars and politicians is needed to ensure that the common folk get justice.
 
As Imran Khan has said in the past a good police force is always preferable over military presence. The military is needed in the province to deal with the militancy but the military is not responsible for civil justice and law enforcement. A good police force which operates independently from the Sardars and politicians is needed to ensure that the common folk get justice.

This.

I hope the BAP government co-operates with PTI, and helps implement police reforms in Balochistan.
 
I don't think this is true and I don't think Afghan presence in Balochistan is a significant point of concern.

You should listen to the interviews of some of their Sardars, even exiled ones. They're afraid of demographic change and are concerned of Afghan migration the most.

Demographic change has already happened in Gandhara cause of afghan migrations.
 
As Imran Khan has said in the past a good police force is always preferable over military presence. The military is needed in the province to deal with the militancy but the military is not responsible for civil justice and law enforcement. A good police force which operates independently from the Sardars and politicians is needed to ensure that the common folk get justice.

They also need better border security cause as long Afghanistan infiltrates into Pakistan then there will be problems.
 
BNP-M chief announces withdrawal from PTI coalition govt

Balochistan National Party-Mengal President (BNP-M) Sardar Akhtar Mengal on Wednesday announced his party's withdrawal from its alliance with the PTI-led federal government over its failure to implement accords with the party.

Speaking during a session of the National Assembly, he said: "I am officially announcing that our party is ending its alliance with the PTI. We will stay in Parliament and will keep talking about issues."

Mengal added that the PTI had signed two agreements with the party at the time of government formation after the 2018 elections and later during the presidential elections, but not a single point of the accord was implemented.

"If our demands were illegal and unconstitutional then we are ready to face even death. But then all those who have put their signatures on these accords should also face the same," he said.

Mengal presented two separate lists of missing persons before the Assembly. One of the lists contained the names of 18 people who have been recovered so far while the other contained the names of nearly 500 people who had gone missing after signing the agreements with the PTI, he said.

In January, BNP-M leaders including MNA Khalid Magsi, Ahsan Ullah Reki, Israr Tareen, Senator Manzoor Kakar, Naseeb Ullah Badini, Rubina Irfan and Sana Jamali participated in talks with the government as it started efforts to appease its ‘annoyed’ allies. However, the BNP-M chief did not participate in the talks.

The government side had assured the Baloch leaders that it would address all grievances of the party and would include them in “development-oriented” decision making.

The BNP-M and PTI had signed a six-point memorandum of understanding (MoU) in August 2018 for an alliance at the Centre. The six points included:

recovery of missing persons
implementation of the National Action Plan
implementation of six per cent quota for Balochistan in the federal government
immediate repatriation of Afghan refugees
construction of dams in the province to resolve the acute water crisis

The alliance with the PTI was only at the Centre, while the BNP-M’s alliance with the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam-Fazl in Balochis*tan continued at the provincial level.

Numbers in NA

Before the BNP-M's withdrawal, the PTI enjoyed majority in the National Assembly with 156 seats while along with all its allies it had a total of 186 seats in the lower house of parliament. The MQM has seven, PML-Q has five, Balochistan Awami Party (BAP) five, BNP-M has four, Grand Democratic Alliance (GDA) has three and Jamhoori Watan Party (JWP) and Awami Muslim League have one seat each besides four independent lawmakers.

On the other hand the opposition has 156 seats, as Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz has 84 seats, Pakistan Peoples Party 55, Mutahidda Majlis-i-Amal Pakistan 16 and Awami National Party has one seat.

https://www.dawn.com/news/1564106/bnp-m-chief-announces-withdrawal-from-pti-coalition-govt
 
JUI-F sets ‘minus PTI’ condition for joining BAP coalition in Balochistan

QUETTA: The Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam-Fazl has made it clear to the Balochistan Awami Party that it will join the provincial government only if the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf is removed from the cabinet, a reliable source told Dawn on Monday.

Negotiations between the two parties in Islamabad have hit snags over the JUI-F demand, the source added.

A minister who belongs to the PTI expressed the fear that his party could be dropped from the cabinet at any time.

However, the provincial government remained silent on the matter.

The offer was made by Chief Minister Abdul Qudoos Bizenjo to the JUI-F a few days ago after he came under fire from members of his own party over issues of governance.

After initial contacts between Mr Bizenjo and Maulana Abdul Wasey, the JUI-F’s provincial chief, several rounds of formal talks have been held so far.

Maulana Wasey got in touch with Maulana Fazlur Rehman, his party’s chief, to take him into confidence about the negotiations.

A JUI-F delegation had a meeting with Chief Minister Abdul Qudoos Bezenjo in Islamabad and informed him about the party’s terms and conditions for joining the provincial government. These include ministries and portfolios of its choice.

Another meeting between the two parties is on the cards.

“Negotiations are in progress and a few more rounds for a positive result cannot be ruled out,” sources close to the chief minister said.

Malik Sikandar Khan, the JUI-F’s parliamentary leader in Balochistan Assembly, told Dawn late on Monday night: “We are in the dark about the talks. Negotiations are going on and no final decision has been taken. Chief Minister Bizenjo and the JUI-F leadership are in Islamabad and in touch with each other.”

Sources in BAP said Mr Bezenjo had also made an offer to Sardar Akhtar Jan Mengal of the Balochistan National Party (BNP-Mengal) to join the coalition government during his visit to Karachi.

Initial reports suggest that Sardar Mengal had declined the offer.

The Awami National Party, which is part of the coalition government in Balochistan, has expressed its displeasure over the chief minister’s offer to JUI-F, sources told Dawn.

Asghar Khan Achakzai, the party’s parliamentary leader in the provincial assembly, expressed his reservations over the offer while talking to the media on Monday.

DAWN
 
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